美國(guó)第二任總統(tǒng)約翰亞當(dāng)斯就職演講稿 本文簡(jiǎn)介：

約翰·亞當(dāng)斯，美國(guó)第一任副總統(tǒng)，其后接替喬治·華盛頓成為美國(guó)第二任總統(tǒng)，同時(shí)亞當(dāng)斯也是第一位由總檢察長(zhǎng)帶領(lǐng)宣誓的美國(guó)總統(tǒng)。小范文網(wǎng)整理美國(guó)第二任總統(tǒng)約翰亞當(dāng)斯就職演講稿，希望對(duì)正在準(zhǔn)備演講的你有所幫助。有識(shí)之士當(dāng)年第一次認(rèn)識(shí)到，美利堅(jiān)在對(duì)某一外國(guó)立法機(jī)關(guān)完全俯首稱(chēng)臣和徹底

美國(guó)第二任總統(tǒng)約翰亞當(dāng)斯就職演講稿 本文內(nèi)容：

約翰·亞當(dāng)斯，美國(guó)第一任副總統(tǒng)，其后接替喬治·華盛頓成為美國(guó)第二任總統(tǒng)，同時(shí)亞當(dāng)斯也是第一位由總檢察長(zhǎng)帶領(lǐng)宣誓的美國(guó)總統(tǒng)。小范文網(wǎng)整理美國(guó)第二任總統(tǒng)約翰亞當(dāng)斯就職演講稿，希望對(duì)正在準(zhǔn)備演講的你有所幫助。有識(shí)之士當(dāng)年第一次認(rèn)識(shí)到，美利堅(jiān)在對(duì)某一外國(guó)立法機(jī)關(guān)完全俯首稱(chēng)臣和徹底獨(dú)立之間，并無(wú)任何中間道路可走；那時(shí)他們并不怎么懼怕必須下決心加以抗擊的令人生畏的強(qiáng)大艦船和軍隊(duì)，他們更為擔(dān)心的是，在這個(gè)疆域遼闊的國(guó)家應(yīng)當(dāng)建立何種形式的全國(guó)和州政府之一問(wèn)題，必然會(huì)引起種種斗爭(zhēng)和分歧。然而無(wú)論怎樣，這個(gè)國(guó)家當(dāng)時(shí)人數(shù)僅為現(xiàn)在一半的代表們，憑藉自己出發(fā)點(diǎn)的純潔和自己事業(yè)的正義，依靠人民的團(tuán)結(jié)和智慧，在從一開(kāi)始就格外庇佑這個(gè)國(guó)家的上帝的指引之下，不僅砸碎了正在鍛造的鐐銬和向他們舉起的鋼鞭，而且毅然斬?cái)嗔嗽�把他們�?lián)結(jié)為一體的紐帶，駛?cè)胍黄�起伏不定的海洋�?/p>

When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country. Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.

人民在革命戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)期間所表現(xiàn)出來(lái)的熱情和奮發(fā)賦予了政府一席之地，保持了一種至少使社會(huì)得以暫時(shí)維持的秩序。人民起初感到甚為必要的聯(lián)邦，在籌建時(shí)參照了巴達(dá)維亞和海爾維希邦聯(lián)模式，這是歷史上具體而明確地保存至今的聯(lián)邦制的唯一樣板，也肯定是廣大人民曾經(jīng)加以考慮的唯一例子。但是美國(guó)幅員廣大，而這些國(guó)家則地域狹小，郵差從政府所在地到達(dá)邊陲僅需一天，兩者之間有著無(wú)數(shù)具體的鮮明差異。

The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplying the place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of society. The Confederation which was early felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with any detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which the people at large had ever considered. But reflecting on the striking difference in so many particulars between this country and those where a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it that it could not be durable.

有鑒于此，大陸會(huì)議中那些幫助建立聯(lián)邦制的人，當(dāng)時(shí)肯定即已預(yù)見(jiàn)到聯(lián)邦是不能持久的。果不其然，很快就出現(xiàn)了個(gè)人和各州均無(wú)視聯(lián)邦規(guī)定和不聽(tīng)聯(lián)邦勸告的現(xiàn)象，這即便不算違背聯(lián)邦權(quán)威，但也帶來(lái)了令人憂(yōu)郁的后果：人們普遍消沉懶散，各州之間妒忌傾軋，航運(yùn)和商業(yè)衰落不堪，必需品的生產(chǎn)萎靡不振，土地和農(nóng)產(chǎn)品的價(jià)值普遍下跌，個(gè)人和公共信念遭到蔑視，國(guó)外交往也有欠審慎以致信譽(yù)掃地，這一切終于招致人心不滿(mǎn)、遍生仇隙、拉幫結(jié)派、偏激集會(huì)和騷亂蜂起，預(yù)示著一場(chǎng)全國(guó)性的災(zāi)難就要來(lái)臨。

Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in inpiduals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholy consequences-- universal languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation and commerce, discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and private faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and at length in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity.

值此危難之際，美國(guó)人民慣有的良知、鎮(zhèn)定、決斷和正直誠(chéng)實(shí)的品質(zhì)并未消失。人們獻(xiàn)計(jì)獻(xiàn)策，努力建立一個(gè)更為完善的聯(lián)盟，以匡扶正義，確保國(guó)內(nèi)安寧，提供共同防御，增進(jìn)公眾幸福，爭(zhēng)取自由的賜福。人們經(jīng)過(guò)探索、討論和深思熟慮，最終制定了目前這部令人滿(mǎn)意的政府憲章。

In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity. Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty. The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitution of Government.

在這一轉(zhuǎn)折的整個(gè)過(guò)程中，我都在國(guó)外執(zhí)行公務(wù)，因而我第一次見(jiàn)到憲法也是在國(guó)外。我滿(mǎn)懷喜悅地讀過(guò)這部憲法，既沒(méi)有被圍繞憲法措辭的爭(zhēng)吵而弄得憤怒難當(dāng)，也未為公開(kāi)辯論而熱血沸騰，更沒(méi)有因?yàn)辄h派仇恨而情緒激昂。我認(rèn)為，憲法出自心懷善良愿望的有志之士之手，較之人們提出或建議實(shí)行的其他任何實(shí)驗(yàn)，均更加切合美國(guó)及美國(guó)人民的智慧、特性、環(huán)境和各種關(guān)系。這部憲法就一般原則和大綱而言，與我曾經(jīng)服膺的政體相一致，有一些州，尤其是我出生的州，曾為這種政體的建立作出了貢獻(xiàn)，對(duì)于這部憲法，不僅我的同胞們及其子孫必須服從，我和我的后代也必須服從，因而我同樣有權(quán)表示是否接受，在公開(kāi)或私下各種場(chǎng)合，我都毫不含糊地表示擁護(hù)這部憲法。我當(dāng)時(shí)對(duì)憲法就毫無(wú)異議，自此以后以后也是一樣。我并不認(rèn)為行政部門(mén)和參議院的存在不能較為持久。我也從未想到要提出修改憲法，除非人民從自身經(jīng)驗(yàn)出發(fā)，認(rèn)為確有必要或者時(shí)機(jī)相宜，從而通過(guò)自己在國(guó)會(huì)和各州議會(huì)的代表，根據(jù)憲法本身的規(guī)定，采取修改憲法的行動(dòng)，并且制定有關(guān)的修正案。

Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and country than any which had ever been proposed or suggested. In its general principles and great outlines it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and in some States, my own native State in particular, had contributed to establish. Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and in private. It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent. Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain.

我與祖國(guó)在痛苦分離達(dá)十年以后，又重新回來(lái)到它的懷抱，并有幸在一種新氣象中當(dāng)選副總統(tǒng)，因而我一直不斷把擁護(hù)憲法作為自己至為莊嚴(yán)的職責(zé)，憲法得以很好地實(shí)施，滿(mǎn)足了其擁護(hù)者的樂(lè)觀愿望。我時(shí)常關(guān)注憲法，對(duì)它的執(zhí)行情況感到滿(mǎn)意，為它在國(guó)家的和平、秩序和繁榮、幸福方面所顯示的成效感到高興，并由此對(duì)它產(chǎn)生了一種習(xí)慣性的依戀和崇敬之情。

Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to support the Constitution. The operation of it has equaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from an habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it and veneration for it.

的確，除此之外，世界上難道還有其他政府形式值得我們?nèi)绱俗鹁春蜔釔?ài)嗎？

What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love?

古代有人認(rèn)為，用最超邁的智慧來(lái)看，人類(lèi)聚居而形成眾多城市和國(guó)家乃是令人至為欣悅的事情，這種觀點(diǎn)或許不甚可靠；但有一點(diǎn)乃是確切無(wú)疑的：對(duì)人類(lèi)善良寬厚的心靈來(lái)說(shuō)，我們國(guó)會(huì)兩院的政府經(jīng)常舉行的集會(huì)所展現(xiàn)的景象，不僅令人至為欣悅，而且顯得十分崇高、莊嚴(yán)和堂皇，這是任何國(guó)家都無(wú)法比擬的，而且在我們的政府中，行政權(quán)力和立法機(jī)關(guān)各部門(mén)的權(quán)力一樣，都由經(jīng)過(guò)其同胞定期選舉產(chǎn)生的公民來(lái)行使，他們或制定法律，或執(zhí)行法律，全都是為了人民的普遍利益。

There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations of men into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber of Congress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens selected at regular periods by their neighbors to make and execute laws for the general good. 官服和鉆石除了純粹裝點(diǎn)門(mén)面之外，難道還能為此增添任何實(shí)質(zhì)性的東西嗎？那種由偶然繼承所得或出自遠(yuǎn)古時(shí)代確立的制度的權(quán)威，難道會(huì)比這種從誠(chéng)實(shí)而具有遠(yuǎn)見(jiàn)卓識(shí)的人民的內(nèi)心和判斷中生龍活虎般產(chǎn)生的權(quán)威更為可親可敬嗎？后一種權(quán)威所唯一代表的乃是人民，它的每一合法機(jī)構(gòu)，無(wú)論以什么形式出現(xiàn)，都是人民力量和尊嚴(yán)的反映，都只是為了人民的利益。像我們這樣一種政府，不論存在多久，都是知識(shí)和美德在全人類(lèi)傳播的鮮明標(biāo)志。在人類(lèi)的心靈中，難道還存在比這個(gè)令人更為欣喜的目標(biāo)和想法嗎？如果民族自豪感乃是合情合理的，那么只有當(dāng)它源于對(duì)國(guó)民的純真、知識(shí)和仁慈所抱的信心時(shí)才能如此，倘若源于詮釋或財(cái)富、奢華或榮耀則不然。

Can anything essential, anything more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Can authority be more amiable and respectable when it descends from accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened people? For it is the people only that are represented. It is their power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear. The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people. And what object or consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence.

但是，我們自由、公正、誠(chéng)實(shí)和獨(dú)立的選舉的純潔性，一旦為一些片面和無(wú)關(guān)宏旨的事情所玷污，我們的自由就會(huì)陷于危險(xiǎn)之中；如果我們對(duì)此竟視而不見(jiàn)，一味耽溺于這些美妙的想法，那我們就未免淪為自欺欺人。一次選舉如果竟以一票只差決定勝負(fù)，而一個(gè)政黨又可能借助陰謀詭計(jì)和腐敗行徑來(lái)弄到這一張選票，因之這個(gè)政府就可能是某一政黨為了一己之私，而不是全國(guó)人民為了全國(guó)的利益而作出的選擇。如果外國(guó)政府可以通過(guò)諸如奉承或威脅、欺騙或暴力、陰謀或收買(mǎi)、以及恐怖之類(lèi)的手段，來(lái)獲取這張單獨(dú)的選票，那么所選出的政府就不是美國(guó)人民的選擇，而是其他國(guó)家的選擇。那樣就有可能導(dǎo)致外國(guó)人統(tǒng)治我們，而不是我們?nèi)嗣褡约航y(tǒng)治自己。因而坦率的人就會(huì)承認(rèn)，在這種情況下，選擇勝于命運(yùn)和機(jī)會(huì)的優(yōu)勢(shì)，也就無(wú)可夸耀了。

In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections. If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choice of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good. If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves; and candid men will acknowledge that in such cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or chance.

這就是我們那親切可愛(ài)而饒有趣味的政府體制，以及它可能遇到的一些流弊。八年來(lái)，美國(guó)人民在一位公民的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，向各國(guó)的明智仁德之士展示了這一體制，激起他們的贊賞和熱望。這位公民在一系列偉大行動(dòng)的過(guò)程中，表現(xiàn)出謹(jǐn)慎、公正、克制和堅(jiān)定的品德，指引著一個(gè)為同樣的美德所鼓舞、為同樣的愛(ài)國(guó)熱情和熱愛(ài)自由的精神所激勵(lì)的民族走向獨(dú)立與和平，踏上增進(jìn)財(cái)富與空前繁榮之路。他贏得了同胞們的感戴，博得了世界各國(guó)的高度贊揚(yáng)，而且他的英名將傳之后世而百代流芳！

Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of a citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity.

他自愿選擇了退休。祝愿他頤養(yǎng)天年，從對(duì)自己供職生涯的甜美追憶和人類(lèi)對(duì)他的感激之中獲得快樂(lè)，享受他來(lái)給全人類(lèi)、也帶給他自己的日漸增多的幸福之果，欣慰地展望這個(gè)國(guó)家逐年明朗的未來(lái)命運(yùn)的光輝前景。他的名字仍將是一道防線，他的長(zhǎng)壽仍將是一座堡壘，可以抗擊一切危害美國(guó)和平的公開(kāi)或隱蔽的敵人。他自愿引退的范例得到國(guó)會(huì)參眾兩院、各州立法機(jī)構(gòu)以及全國(guó)人民的一致推崇，將為他的繼任者所效法。

In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of this country which is opening from year to year. His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace. This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by the voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation.

在下述問(wèn)題上，我也許最好保持沉默，或者說(shuō)話(huà)謹(jǐn)慎一些。但人總是抱有某種希望的，因而我希望在這個(gè)場(chǎng)合大膽發(fā)表我見(jiàn)解，而不致于冒天下之大不韙。我認(rèn)為，人們經(jīng)過(guò)長(zhǎng)期而嚴(yán)肅的思考，經(jīng)過(guò)對(duì)真理不懈而無(wú)私的追求，并且根據(jù)原則而作出選擇，應(yīng)對(duì)自由的共和政體產(chǎn)生熱愛(ài)之情；人民根據(jù)自己的判斷和意愿，按照憲法本身所規(guī)定的方式，可以對(duì)憲法作出變更，但在此之前，應(yīng)對(duì)憲法抱有一種依戀，并自覺(jué)自愿地加以堅(jiān)決擁護(hù)；應(yīng)當(dāng)尊重各州憲法，對(duì)各州政府也要時(shí)時(shí)予以慎重對(duì)待和小心愛(ài)護(hù)；聯(lián)邦內(nèi)部各州的權(quán)利、利益、榮譽(yù)和幸福應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)玫焦�正無(wú)私的待遇，不要因?yàn)樗鼈冊(cè)谖覈?guó)東西南北處于不同的位置，也不要因?yàn)楦髦萑嗣裨跓o(wú)關(guān)宏旨的問(wèn)題上持有不同的政治見(jiàn)解和抱有不同的個(gè)人愛(ài)好，而給與偏袒或不同待遇；品德高尚的人士，無(wú)論屬于何黨何派，都應(yīng)當(dāng)受到人們的愛(ài)戴；我們要熱愛(ài)科學(xué)和文藝，愿意贊助一切合理的努力，以扶持學(xué)校、學(xué)院、大學(xué)、研究院和向各階層人民宣傳知識(shí)、美德和宗教的所有機(jī)構(gòu)，這樣做的原因不僅在于，這些機(jī)構(gòu)對(duì)不同年齡、不同階層的人們的幸福和所有形式的社團(tuán)的幸福有著良好的影響，而且這是維護(hù)我們憲法的唯一手段，可以使它免受諸如巧舌詭辯、黨派精神、陰謀詭計(jì)、腐敗墮落和外來(lái)影響的時(shí)疫這類(lèi)天敵的侵害，而這些都是民選政府的災(zāi)星；我們?cè)趦?nèi)政上要熱愛(ài)平等的法律，崇尚公正和奉行人道；我們要推動(dòng)農(nóng)業(yè)、商業(yè)和制造業(yè)的發(fā)展，從而滿(mǎn)足人們的生活所需，為人們提供便利，保障我們的國(guó)防；我們要公允而人道地對(duì)待美洲的土著部落，使他們對(duì)我們更為友好，也使我們的公民對(duì)我們更為友好，從而改善他們的處境；我們要堅(jiān)定不移地與世界各國(guó)維持和平和嚴(yán)守信義，對(duì)于歐洲交戰(zhàn)各方，我國(guó)政府向來(lái)奉行中立和不偏不倚的方針，這種方針獲得國(guó)會(huì)兩院的莊嚴(yán)批準(zhǔn)，受到各州議會(huì)和輿論的一致?lián)碜o(hù)，除非國(guó)會(huì)另作規(guī)定，我們不得加以改變；我有七年時(shí)間主要生活在法國(guó)，因而對(duì)法國(guó)人民產(chǎn)生了一種個(gè)人敬意，我衷心希望維持與法國(guó)的友誼，這對(duì)兩國(guó)人民的榮譽(yù)與利益一直有著極大的好處；美國(guó)人民強(qiáng)烈的榮譽(yù)感和誠(chéng)實(shí)正直之心，以及他們有關(guān)自己的權(quán)力和力量的內(nèi)在情感固然應(yīng)當(dāng)加以維護(hù)，但同時(shí)應(yīng)當(dāng)對(duì)每一正當(dāng)?shù)氖聵I(yè)竭力進(jìn)行認(rèn)真審議，以杜絕各種刻意渲染的抱怨借口；我國(guó)公民在商務(wù)活動(dòng)中不論受到哪一個(gè)國(guó)家的損害，我們應(yīng)首先通過(guò)友好談判尋求補(bǔ)償，只有在談判沒(méi)有效果時(shí)，才將情況陳述于立法部門(mén)，由它根據(jù)政府和當(dāng)事人的榮譽(yù)與利益要求，決定采取何種新的措施；只要我能做到，我就要下定決心，在任何時(shí)候?qū)θ魏螄?guó)家都力求公允，并且與世界各國(guó)保持和平、友好和仁愛(ài)的關(guān)系；應(yīng)當(dāng)對(duì)美國(guó)人民的榮譽(yù)、精神和力量抱有不可動(dòng)搖的信心，我向來(lái)經(jīng)常把自己的一切都寄托在這上面，而且從未失望；我要對(duì)祖國(guó)崇高命運(yùn)以及我自己對(duì)此應(yīng)盡何種義務(wù)的崇高觀念加以深刻領(lǐng)會(huì)，這種領(lǐng)會(huì)乃是以我早年即已銘心鏤骨的關(guān)于人民道德準(zhǔn)則和智性改善的知識(shí)為基礎(chǔ)的，并且非但不會(huì)因?yàn)殚啔v的豐富和年齡的增長(zhǎng)而黯然失色，反而會(huì)不斷升華；最后，我懷著謙卑而虔誠(chéng)的心情，覺(jué)得由必要再補(bǔ)充一點(diǎn)，即一個(gè)宣稱(chēng)信仰上帝并自稱(chēng)為基督徒的民族，應(yīng)當(dāng)對(duì)宗教懷有一種崇敬的心情，在推薦最佳公職人選時(shí)，必須堅(jiān)定不移地適當(dāng)考慮其是否敬重基督教，這種對(duì)宗教的敬意將使我能夠最大限度的滿(mǎn)足諸位的愿望。如果上述條件均能達(dá)到，我當(dāng)奮發(fā)努力，俾使國(guó)會(huì)兩院做出的這一深謀遠(yuǎn)慮的決斷，不至于毫無(wú)效果。

On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with diffidence; but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth; if an attachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it; if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the inpidual States and a constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments; if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of all the States in the Union, without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an eastern or western, position, their various political opinions on unessential points or their personal attachments; if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations; if a love of science and letters and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments; if a love of equal laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration; if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufacturers for necessity, convenience, and defense; if a spirit of equity and humanity toward the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate their condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them; if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by this Government and so solemnly sanctioned by both Houses of Congress and applauded by the legislatures of the States and the public opinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress; if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations; if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause and remove every colorable pretense of complaint; if an intention to pursue by amicable negotiation a reparation for the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, and if success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of the Government and its constituents demand; if a resolution to do justice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world; if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never been deceived; if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraved on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age; and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who profess and call themselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me in any degree to comply with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endeavor that this sagacious injunction of the two Houses shall not be without effect.

在我面前已經(jīng)有了一位偉大的表率，而當(dāng)初立誓要擁護(hù)美國(guó)憲法的美國(guó)人民，仍然抱有同樣的思想和精神、同樣的信念和榮譽(yù)、同樣的責(zé)任和興趣，因而我毫不懷疑憲法將永葆全部活力，而我則已做好思想準(zhǔn)備，打算毫不猶豫地承擔(dān)至為神圣的義務(wù)，竭盡全力擁護(hù)憲法。上帝乃是至高無(wú)上的主宰，秩序的守護(hù)神，正義的源泉和所有時(shí)代里美好的自由世界的保護(hù)者，愿他繼續(xù)賜福我國(guó)人民和他們的政府，按照它的神圣意旨，保佑這個(gè)政府諸事順?biāo)�，永世長(zhǎng)存！

With this great example before me, with the sense and spirit, the faith and honor, the duty and interest, of the same American people pledged to support the Constitution of the United States, I entertain no doubt of its continuance in all its energy, and my mind is prepared without hesitation to lay myself under the most solemn obligations to support it to the utmost of my power. And may that Being who is supreme over all, the Patron of Order, the Fountain of Justice, and the Protector in all ages of the world of virtuous liberty, continue His blessing upon this nation and its Government and give it all possible success and duration consistent with the ends of His providence.

美國(guó)第二任總統(tǒng)約翰亞當(dāng)斯就職演講稿 本文關(guān)鍵詞：亞當(dāng)斯，約翰，美國(guó)，就職，演講稿

美國(guó)第二任總統(tǒng)約翰亞當(dāng)斯就職演講稿　　來(lái)源：網(wǎng)絡(luò)整理

　　免責(zé)聲明：本文僅限學(xué)習(xí)分享，如產(chǎn)生版權(quán)問(wèn)題，請(qǐng)聯(lián)系我們及時(shí)刪除。

來(lái)源：網(wǎng)絡(luò)整理 免責(zé)聲明：本文僅限學(xué)習(xí)分享，如產(chǎn)生版權(quán)問(wèn)題，請(qǐng)聯(lián)系我們及時(shí)刪除。

《美國(guó)第二任總統(tǒng)約翰亞當(dāng)斯就職演講稿》由互聯(lián)網(wǎng)用戶(hù)整理提供,轉(zhuǎn)載分享請(qǐng)保留原作者信息,謝謝!
鏈接地址：http://m.seogis.com/gongwen/42530.html

• 上一篇：演講開(kāi)頭怎么寫(xiě)
• 下一篇：演講的開(kāi)頭怎么寫(xiě)